its members believe
• What they want to achieve
• How they intend
to do it
Prepared by the National Office of the National Alliance
OF THE NATIONAL ALLIANCE
ALLIANCE is not only working to achieve certain goals; it also stands for a comprehensive view of life, or worldview. Its
goals have not been chosen arbitrarily in reaction to current social, racial, or economic problems, the way the Democrats
and Republicans put together a party platform for election purposes; instead they follow naturally from Alliance ideology.
A Natural Order
We see ourselves as integral with
a unitary world around us, which evolves according to natural law. In the simplest words: There is only one reality, which
we call Nature: not the “my reality” and “your reality” of the subjectivists and not the separate
spiritual and physical realms of the supernaturalists. We are a part of Nature and subject to Nature’s laws. Within
the scope of these laws we are able to determine our own destiny. If we err in our efforts there is no one to protect us
from the consequences of our folly or our weakness. In other words, we ourselves are responsible for everything over which
we have the power of choice: in particular, for the state of our environment and for the destiny of our race.
This view may be contrasted with the
Semitic view, which separates man from the rest of the world and postulates a divine but nevertheless manlike being who
rules man and the world by supernatural law. Those who hold this view absolve themselves of responsibility for their fate.
When faced with an undesired outcome of events they say, “It is God’s (or Yahweh’s or Allah’s) will.”
They believe that it is not necessary for men to concern themselves with the future beyond planning for their own needs,
because their god has everything under control.
During the time when
Europe was most strongly under the influence of Semitic ideology (and also today in some countries under Islamic rule, as
well as among some fundamentalist Jewish and Christian sects in America and elsewhere), it was considered impious for a
man to infringe upon the deity’s prerogatives: specifically, to attempt to understand or to influence the phenomena
of Nature, or to change venerable social institutions.
The Law of Inequality
Those races that evolved in more demanding environments
advanced more rapidly.
Our world is hierarchical. Each of us is a member of the Aryan (or European) race, which,
like the other races, developed its special characteristics over many thousands of years during which natural selection not
only adapted it to its environment but also advanced it along its evolutionary path. Those races that evolved in the more
demanding environment of the North, where surviving a winter required planning and self-discipline, advanced more rapidly
in the development of the higher mental faculties—including the abilities to conceptualize, to solve problems, to
plan for the future, and to postpone gratification—than those that remained in the relatively unvarying climate of
the tropics. Consequently, the races vary today in their capabilities to build and to sustain a civilized society and, more
generally, in their abilities to lend a conscious hand to Nature in the task of evolution.
Furthermore, just as the races may be ordered according to their
levels of development, so may the individuals within a race. Some are better able to understand the world around them than
others; some are more creative; some have better self-discipline or a stronger will; some have a more highly developed sense
of responsibility. In a well-ordered society these differences will be reflected as various members having varying degrees
of influence or control over the course of the society, according to the individual qualities of each member.
In contrast to our view is that of
the egalitarians, who believe that the differences in the levels of civilization of the different races and the differences
in the social positions of individuals in our society are purely circumstantial and can be changed easily by changing the
circumstances: e.g., the level of civilization in Black Africa can be brought up to the European level and kept there by
providing economic and technical aid to make up for past “injustices,” such as colonialism; and any individual
can fill any position in society if he is given certain “advantages,” such as good schools and a good home environment.
Differences in attainment, standard of living, and degree of social influence, among races and among individuals, are therefore
unnatural and unjust and should be done away with, according to the egalitarians.
A Hierarchy of Responsibilities
As individuals who
are conscious of our own nature and of our relationship to the rest of the world, we have an inevitable hierarchy of obligations
we have an obligation to the Nature of which we are a part to participate as effectively as we can in its eternal quest
for higher levels of development, higher forms of life.
This obligation has been recognized and expressed by our poets and philosophers throughout
our history. Friedrich Nietzsche told us that our first responsibility is to help prepare the world for the coming of a
higher type of man. George Bernard Shaw wrote that we are obliged to serve the Life Force in its striving to know itself
more fully: i.e., to achieve higher levels of consciousness.
Second, we have an obligation to our race as a collective agent of
progress. Nature has refined and honed the special qualities embodied in the Aryan race so that we would be better able
to fulfill the mission allotted to us. Even though Nature also has developed other forms of life, including other races
of man, we have a special obligation to our own race: to ensure its survival, to safeguard its unique characteristics, to
improve its quality.
we have an obligation to those members of our race who are most conscious of their own obligations and most active in meeting
them. Thus, there is a bond of comradeship between us and those who also are working for the same cause.
Finally, we have a responsibility to
ourselves to be the best and strongest individuals that we can be.
Our acceptance of this hierarchy of responsibilities is in contrast to the
attitude of the individualists, who do not recognize a responsibility to anyone but themselves; and to that of the humanists,
who eschew their racial responsibility.
SUMMARY STATEMENT OF BELIEF
We may summarize in the following statement the ideology outlined above:
We see ourselves as a part of Nature,
subject to Nature’s law. We recognize the inequalities that arise as natural consequences of the evolutionary process
and that are essential to progress in every sphere of life. We accept our responsibilities as Aryan men and women to strive
for the advancement of our race in the service of Life, and to be the fittest instruments for that purpose that we can be.
goals follow from this worldview, and like it they are evolutionary. That is, our goals for the next decade are steps on
the way to our goals for the next quarter-century, which in turn are steps on the way to the things we want to achieve a
century from now, and so on. It may seem unrealistic for us to describe in detail the type of world we are aiming at a millennium
or even a century hence, because, although we know which principles must govern that world, we cannot be sure exactly how
they will be realized. Not only are there the uncertainties of fortune, but we expect to learn from our experiences and
to modify accordingly the ways in which we implement our principles.
Nevertheless, it is useful to have a concrete picture now of the world for
which we are striving, even though we understand that this picture will evolve, and its details will change. If we think
of the world that we want to forge from the ruins of the present world, we might fix our sights on things as we would make
them a quarter-century hence, after our enemies have been vanquished, the strife of revolution has subsided, and the spiritual
and physical debris of this era has been cleared away. We can then describe, at least in outline, certain essential features
that new world must have.
are, in brief:
spiritually healthier times our ancestors took as theirs those parts of the world suited by climate and terrain to our race:
in particular, all of Europe and the temperate zones of the Americas, not to mention Australia, New Zealand, and the southern
tip of Africa. This was our living area and our breeding area, and it must be so again. After the sickness of “multiculturalism,”
which is destroying America, Britain, and every other Aryan nation in which it is being promoted, has been swept away, we
must again have a racially clean area of the earth for the further development of our people. We must have White schools,
White residential neighborhoods and recreation areas, White workplaces, White farms and countryside. We must have no non-Whites
in our living space, and we must have open space around us for expansion.
We will do whatever is necessary to achieve this White living space
and to keep it White. We will not be deterred by the difficulty or temporary unpleasantness involved, because we realize
that it is absolutely necessary for our racial survival. The long-term demographic trend toward a darker world, which the
disastrous policies of the last century have caused, must not only be halted; it must be reversed.
An Aryan Society
We must have new societies throughout the White world that are based
on Aryan values and are compatible with the Aryan nature. We do not need to homogenize the White world: there will be room
for Germanic societies, Celtic societies, Latin societies, Slavic societies, Baltic societies, and so on, each with its
own roots, traditions, and language. What we must have, however, is a thorough rooting out of Semitic and other non-Aryan
values and customs everywhere. We must once again provide the sort of social and spiritual environment in which our own
nature can express itself in music, in art and architecture, in literature, in philosophy and scholarship, in the mass media,
and in the lifestyles of the people.
In specific terms, this
means a society in which young men and women gather to revel with music created by White artists and composers, but never
to undulate or jerk to negroid rhythms of any kind. It means pop music without rap overtones and art galleries without Jewish-inspired
ugliness and sickness. It means films in which the appearance of any non-White face on the screen is a sure sign that what’s
being shown is either archival newsreels, foreign news, or scientific footage – or an historical drama about the bad,
old days. It means neighborhoods, schools, work groups, and universities in which there is a feeling of family and comradeship,
of a shared heritage and a shared destiny. It means a sense of rootedness, which in turn engenders a sense of responsibility
and energizes a moral compass, so that people once again know instinctively what is wholesome and natural and what is degenerate
and alien. It means spiritual feeling coming from the soul and unencumbered by superstition or dogma, soaring free and reaching
far above today’s priest-ridden, church-bound spirituality.
A Responsible Government
of a government is less important than whose government it is.
must have a government wholly committed to the service of our race and subject to no non-Aryan influence. It must be a government
guided by fixed principles, yet able to respond in a flexible way to challenges and opportunities. It must be structured
and organized in a way suited to its purpose of safeguarding and advancing the race, and it must be as immune to corruption
and subversion as human genius can make it.
In America we have had ample experience with two tendencies in government. During the first century or so
of the American republic, we had a government that to a large degree embodied the principle that the best government is the
least government, reflecting the general distrust of governments that was shared by many of the framers of the U.S. Constitution.
This government provided for the national defense, for the mails, and for a number of other functions more or less helpful
or necessary to the orderly existence of the nation, but it interfered relatively little in the lives of its citizens and
left most of them to take care of their personal needs in the way they saw fit.
With the growth of mass democracy (the abolition of poll taxes and
other qualifications for voters, and the enfranchisement of non-Whites), the rise in the influence of the mass media on
public opinion, and the insinuation of the Jews into a position of control over the media, the U.S. government was gradually
transformed into the malignant monster it is today: the single most dangerous and destructive enemy our race has ever known.
Many patriots look back fondly at
the government as it was in its first phase, when it was less democratic and less intrusive in the lives of citizens. Perhaps
the time will come when we can afford to have minimal government once again, but that time lies in the remote future. The
fact is that we need a strong, centralized government spanning several continents to coordinate many important tasks during
the first few decades of a White world: the establishment of White living space, the rooting out of racially destructive
institutions, and the reorganization of society on a new basis.
The central task of a new government will be to reverse the racially devolutionary
course of the last few millennia and keep it reversed: a long-term eugenics program involving at least the entire populations
of Europe and America. Such a task is necessarily intrusive, and it will require large-scale organization.
The structural details of a new government
are important, but they are not a matter of principle. One might even get the job done by continuing with mass democracy,
simply by replacing the people who control the mass media with Alliance members, and perhaps that is a reasonable way to
proceed during a transitional period. In the long run, however, we want an honest government, not one that hides behind
the carefully managed illusion that tens of millions of voters are its real rulers. A government of and by politicians is
not only grossly inefficient, it remains too susceptible to corruption and subversion, regardless of who controls the organs
of public opinion.
need a government every branch of which is staffed by people carefully selected and trained for their responsibilities,
not by people who are merely liars with charisma. We need a government of men and women who actually respect
that government, and whose attitude toward its mission is essentially religious: a government more like a holy order than like any existing secular government today. It might not be too much to say that
the most important single institution in the government we want will be the one that selects, trains, and tests the people
who will be the judges and legislators and the executives in that government: people who will be more like secular priests in their behavior and their attitude toward their
work than like today’s politicians and bureaucrats. The institution that prepares these people for their work must
be incorruptible and single-minded, with our principles engraved in the souls of its teachers.
A New Educational System
A new educational system must possess a clear
understanding of purpose.
A proper educational
system serves three purposes: it passes a people’s cultural, intellectual, and spiritual heritage from generation
to generation; it teaches skills and techniques; and it guides the character development of individuals from childhood to
adulthood. The first purpose is served by teaching facts and ideas: language, history, science, ethics, and so on.
The second purpose is served by teaching
the child or young adult how to do things that will be useful to himself and/or society: how to play a musical instrument,
how to weld, how to manage a business, how to type, how to repair a motor vehicle, how to fight with and without weapons,
how to draw, how to swim, how to raise children, how to grow food, how to build a house.
The third purpose is served by challenging, testing, conditioning:
by forcing the child to exercise his will, to discipline himself, to endure discomfort, to make plans and carry them out,
to overcome fears, to accept responsibility, to be truthful, and generally to develop and strengthen those traits of character
valued by a healthy Aryan society.
The present educational system in America completely neglects the third purpose and does poorly with the
first two, even in those fortunate areas not yet encumbered with an appreciable “multicultural” contingent. The
most important reason for its poor performance is that it has lost any clear understanding of purpose. In order to pass
on a people’s cultural, intellectual, and spiritual heritage, it must first know the answer to the question: Which people’s heritage? Today such a question is Politically
Incorrect and therefore not admissible.
Even many decades ago, before it became Politically Incorrect to understand that the heritage to be passed
on is European, there was no depth of purpose. The reason
for passing on the European heritage is not just to help young people qualify for higher-paid employment or become better
dinner-table conversationalists. It is to instill in them a consciousness of what it means to be European—a race
consciousness—and thereby to make racial patriots of them. Facts and ideas have a spiritual component, and this component
must be emphasized in the educational process.
There certainly will be sexual and occupational specialization in the second area of educational activity,
and sexual specialization in the third. Even in the first area, children undoubtedly will be separated according to ability:
not every child needs to learn Greek and Latin and the infinitesimal calculus to acquire a feeling for his race and its ways.
Nevertheless, a proper educational system should provide a common body of knowledge and understanding shared by everyone,
so that every member of the society has a fully developed sense of peoplehood. The boy who aims at becoming a machinist
should read Homer, at least in translation, and the boy who plans to teach literature should understand what it means to
be a good welder, at least to the extent of trying his hand at it.
It is by pursuing the third purpose, however, that a new educational system
will make the most radical contribution to Aryan society. Education that concerns itself with the development of the whole
person and focuses as strongly on forming character as on imparting knowledge or teaching skills dates back to ancient Greece,
and it enjoyed an all-too-brief revival in the mid-20th century in National Socialist Germany, before being outlawed by
the advocates of permissiveness. Today permissiveness rules throughout the Aryan world. “Education” is something
that takes place only in designated buildings for a few hours on prescribed days, under conditions approaching chaos. Inside
or outside these buildings, discipline is minimal. Children grow up in a world without standards of performance, without
clear guidelines for behavior, without any strong source of authority. We see the products of this system all around us:
too many weak, indecisive men and too many unfeminine women; a general lack of significant goals and self-confidence; a
self-indulgent population without self-discipline or inner strength, restlessly seeking “happiness.”
By ensuring that each child born to
our race grows into the strongest, most capable, most responsible, and most conscious future citizen that his genes make
possible, we will gain an enormous advantage over any race without such an educational system.
An Economic Policy Based on Racial Principles
Personal gain must not be the primary motivation
for citizens in our new society, and capital must never be able to purchase legislation.
There are two fundamental
criteria that must be used for judging each and every governmental intervention in economic matters. They are, first, the
long-range welfare and progress of the race; and second, human nature. Which is to say that in evaluating any economic policy
we must ask ourselves two questions: Will this policy ultimately be beneficial or detrimental to the quality of our race?
And is it in accord with human nature?
We look first at the racial effects of a policy and insist that they must be positive—or at least not
negative—and then we insist that the policy be based on a clear and realistic understanding of human nature, so that
it is workable.
can understand better the significance of these two principles if we consider briefly two quite different economic systems,
Marxism and laissez-faire capitalism.
Marxist economics has human happiness
rather than racial progress as its ostensible aim, and it is based on assumptions that are at odds with reality and with
human nature. It aims at providing material comfort for everyone, more or less equally. It cannot even admit the possibility
of racial progress, because that implies that some types of men are inherently superior to others and that some directions
of development are more desirable than other directions.
Whether one prefers the Marxist goal of the greatest happiness for the greatest number
or the National Alliance goal of stronger, wiser, and more beautiful men and women is a matter of one’s values. It
was not on its choice of values that Marxism foundered, however, but on its refusal to recognize the fact of human inequality
and the nature of human motivation. When people are not permitted to work for their own profit and advancement, they do
not work well; and when a society’s leaders do not attain their positions through their own merit, that society is
likely to be poorly led.
contrast to the Marxist system, we recognize the need to permit people to compete, to reap the fruits of their labor, and
to exercise leadership according to their demonstrated ability. They will work harder and more efficiently and will order
themselves in a hierarchy of ability. The result will be a stronger, better-led, and more prosperous society. There will
of course, be those individuals who will not work or whose natural abilities are such that they cannot compete effectively.
Rather than following the Marxist path of robbing the successful in order to reward the unsuccessful, we must take measures
to ensure that society’s lowest elements do not multiply and become more numerous in later generations.
The laissez-faire capitalist system provides another illustrative contrast. Under such a
system the society as a whole has no goals: there are only the goals of individual men and women. The capitalist system,
like ours, provides strong incentives for individuals: the strong, aggressive, and clever rise and prosper, and the weak,
indecisive, and stupid remain at the bottom. Leaders tend to be capable—at least, in the capitalist economic environment,
with its special conditions.
a unifying principle, however, a capitalist society easily can fall prey to certain inherent weaknesses. One of these weaknesses
is the instability that leads the rich to become richer and the poor to become poorer, not solely because of differences
in ability but because the possession of capital gives the possessor an enormous advantage in the competition for more capital.
When personal gain is the only motivation in a society, those who already are rich can arrange things to favor themselves:
they can buy the legislation they want, and they can block threats to their power in ways that may be destructive to the
welfare of the society as a whole. They can hold down the price of labor, limit healthy competition within the society,
and exploit the environment without regard for the long-range consequences.
The overly rigid social stratification resulting from unrestricted
capitalism can lead to endemic class hostility and even to class warfare. It can slow racial progress by making the ability
to acquire and hold capital the supreme survival trait.
We need an economic system that, in contrast to Marxism, allows individuals to succeed
in proportion to their capability and energy, but that, in contrast to capitalism, does not allow them to engage in socially
or racially harmful activity, such as stifling competition or importing non-White labor. We need to structure our economic
system so that it cannot fall prey to the instability of capitalism. We need to maintain social flexibility, so that capable
and energetic individuals always have the possibility of rising. We need to ensure that capital does not have the possibility
of changing society’s rules to suit itself. The way to achieve and maintain an economic system that meets these criteria
is to design and to govern the system subject to the supreme principle: the ultimate aim of all economic policy is racial
OF THE NATIONAL ALLIANCE
White men and women find themselves a dwindling minority in the world; while Black and Brown populations
are growing at an increasing rate, White populations nearly everywhere are at best static. Furthermore, there is an increasing
immigration of non-Whites into formerly White areas, accompanied by miscegenation on a massive scale.
If we had only this demographic problem
to deal with, our task would be easy. White governments have the means necessary for halting non-White immigration and for
deporting non-White populations. Such measures, together with a withdrawal of economic and technical aid to the undeveloped
areas of the non-White world, would permit natural forces to reverse non-White population growth quickly. Non-Whites have
no ability to counter such measures, militarily or otherwise.
America’s most degenerate urban populations have become so degraded morally
and ideologically—so acclimated to egalitarianism and “multiculturalism”—that all we can hope to
salvage from them is a selected White minority, while the majority perishes in the chaos preceding the final conflict. They
can offer no effective resistance to determined governmental action.
Unfortunately, since the end of the Second World War, no White government has
been under the control of White men with our values and our ideology. White governments everywhere are terminally corrupt,
led by collaborators with the Jews. No solution to our demographic problem can be implemented—and, therefore, no future
for our race can be secured—until we regain control of our governments. Our program, therefore, must have as one of
its goals the attainment of governmental power. Nothing short of this can be meaningful in the long run.
By governmental power, we mean, of
course, the power to make and to execute all government policy. This implies a massive replacement of the existing power
structures: legislatures, courts, military and police command cadres, and the mass media.
As we build our revolutionary infrastructure
and increase our ability to reach the public with our message, the weaknesses in our opponents’ infrastructure will
become increasingly apparent. At the same time worsening conditions in America will make the public more receptive to us.
mere election of a head of state can give us this power; no president or prime minister, even if he is installed by a military
coup and has the backing of the top military leaders, can stand alone against the other elements of the power structure
in a modern, White state—especially not against the power of the mass media. In order for any power we acquire to be
meaningful it must be total: that is, it must include all the major elements of the power structure.
No non-violent uprising by a militant
White element of the population can succeed by itself, nor can a violent uprising, in which marches and demonstrations are
accompanied by direct action and street fighting, achieve success—so long as the major elements of the power structure
remain in the hands of our enemies. No modern, White state can be overthrown by a mob howling outside the citadel; the revolutionaries
must already have established a sufficiently strong position inside the citadel before their cohorts outside begin howling.
One may think of the so-called “civil rights” revolution in the United States in the decades after the Second
World War, in which Blacks burned cities and marched in huge, often violent demonstrations and eventually got their way.
The burning and marching would have availed them nothing, however, had their sympathizers not already been solidly entrenched
in the mass media, the Christian churches, the governmental bureaucracy, and the legislatures and courts of the land. In
our case the situation is reversed, with those bastions of the power structure in the hands of those who hate us most intensely.
The power we seek cannot be attained
by any trickery or subterfuge, by any scheme of gradual infiltration and subversion, by any sudden coup, or by any other
superficial or insubstantial means. It can only be attained by first building a solid revolutionary infrastructure capable
of sustaining revolutionary action on many fronts over a period of years and then erecting on that infrastructure a power
structure of our own, in which each essential element of the power structure opposed to us has its analogue.
Our power structure does not seek
to imitate the one we want to replace, or even to compete with it in the normal sense. For example, it would be foolish to
imagine that we could build revolutionary police or military structures that could compete effectively with those of the
government. But we can build structures with certain military and police functions that have as their immediate task the
coordination of recruiting inside the government’s military and police agencies. Their later tasks can be to serve
as fully ramified cadres for incorporating and organizing the best human material from the disintegrating governmental military
and police structures.
our mass media do not attempt to compete with those of the enemy by winning larger audiences. Ours merely aim at reaching
the entire White population with our message and making it continually accessible to those who are responsive. We understand
that by far the larger part of the White population is and will continue to be more interested in spectator sports or Hollywood
films than in our message, and we will not try to wean them away from their amusements. Only in the very last
stages of revolutionary development will we be competing with the Jews for the attention of this mass element, but by then
the competition will be on our terms. Our mass media, however, eventually will provide the indispensable tool for communicating
with all the elements of the White population during a critical transitional period between the collapse of one way of life
and the establishment of another. A successful attainment of governmental power will not be possible without this tool.
The skeptic, or the person who cannot
imagine a state of affairs very different from the one he is accustomed to, will look at the enormous disparity in every
element of the power structure between us and our enemies, and he will think that our goal of gaining governmental power
is not attainable—and that if it were possible, it would be only through building a power structure larger and stronger
than that of our opponents: building a revolutionary army with more soldiers than the U.S. Army; building television networks
with more viewers than ABC, CBS, and NBC; building political organizations able to get more voters to the polls than the
Democrats or the Republicans. But this is not necessary.
It is not necessary for two reasons: First, the power structure of our opponents is
undergoing rapid, degenerative change. It might seem too much to say that the governmental power structure in the United
States is self-destructing before our eyes, but its pathology becomes more apparent month by month in many ways: in the
increasingly tawdry, “show business” style of political campaigns; in the ever more frequent revelations of
the legislators’ corruption, personal depravity, and disregard for the laws they make; in the government’s increasingly
evident fear of its own citizens; above all, in the loss of governmental will to deal with problems requiring strong, decisive,
and perhaps unpopular action. It is losing its moral authority and its credibility with the people it governs; fewer and
fewer of them regard their government as more than an expensive nuisance, as witnessed by the growing number who have simply
police and military structures still wield a considerable amount of physical power, based to a large degree on modern technology:
computerized police files of dissidents, sophisticated surveillance and eavesdropping equipment, drones, laser-guided missiles,
“smart” bombs, and the like. The quality of the human factor in their power is declining rapidly, however. It
is not just the ravages of “Affirmative Action” programs on the average competence of government workers or
the loss of esprit de corps in the remaining White personnel:
more important is the fact that the government’s police and military forces have to a very large degree lost their
sense of moral justification. They still may be convinced that they are strong enough to impose their will on their opponents,
but they no longer have the unshakable conviction that they represent the side of right and justice; idealism has given
way to careerism and cynicism. In the long run this will be a mortal weakness.
Even the news and entertainment media, despite their overwhelming
influence on every other element of the power structure and on most of the population, are becoming increasingly vulnerable.
A growing element of the public regards the media with suspicion, recognizing their anti-White bias and their destructive
effect on morals and culture. Large numbers of people have already ditched the evening news broadcasts from the Jewish-controlled
networks and get their news from the alternative media, among which our broadcasts and publications are increasingly influential
second reason why we don’t have to build a power structure as large as the one opposed to us is that all the elements
in the population we want to reach with our message are becoming increasingly responsive to that message. At the same time
the opposing power structure is losing its own partisans. The government and the Jewish media will continue to have their
hard core of support—Jews, feminists, some homosexuals, some Christians, the radical-liberal New World Order enthusiasts,
most of the state and Federal bureaucrats, and others on government or media payrolls—but outside these special constituencies
our enemies have very few real friends left, even among their beneficiaries. Blacks and Mestizos as a whole, for example,
can hardly be considered a staunch bulwark of the government, despite the favoritism it has shown them. The American population
has become much like the Roman mob of old, ready to cheer for any government which can provide it with bread and circuses,
but equally ready to turn against the government the moment the supply of those commodities is interrupted—and never
ready to defend the government if any personal sacrifice is required.
To summarize the preceding paragraphs: The situation in America is
no longer quasi-static, as it was during most of the 1970s and 1980s. During that earlier period the Jewish media were able
to keep nearly all of the public hypnotized, to provide a false reality for them in the place of the real world around them.
Someone would complain that America was becoming darker, poorer, and dirtier. The media would drown him out with a chorus
about the value of “diversity,” about the evils of “racism,” about the wonders of the coming egalitarian
paradise, and the complaint would be ignored and forgotten by nearly everyone.
Blacks burn Ferguson, Missouri: Now the hypnosis
is beginning to wear off, as reality becomes too harsh to ignore.
Now the process of decay and disintegration has accelerated; now
the hypnosis is beginning to wear off, as reality becomes too harsh to ignore. The process will continue to accelerate in
the future. More and more people will notice that, indeed, the emperor is stark, staring naked, even as the Jewish media
continue to extol the beauty and grandeur of his new raiment and denounce those benighted souls who refuse to acknowledge
is inherently unstable, and nothing that the enemies of our people can do will reverse it. Their power structure will continue
to become more pathological, if not physically weaker, in all its elements, and more and more members of the White public
will receive our message sympathetically. No one can predict in detail the outcome of this unstable process after it reaches
the point where we are able to exert a significant influence on its further development. It is clear, however, that our
responsibility now is to continue building a revolutionary infrastructure able to support an opposing power structure that
can respond advantageously to all developments.
A revolutionary infrastructure is the structured collection of people and other resources organized for the
purpose of carrying on, over an extended period, the full range of activities necessary to the purpose outlined above. Among
the necessary activities are the generation and dissemination of propaganda, recruiting, fund raising, self-defense and
internal discipline, intelligence gathering and evaluation, planning and guidance. It is the continued enhancement, development,
and expansion of such activities that alone can lead to the attainment of the ultimate revolutionary goal.
ACTIVITIES OF NATIONAL
The members of the National Alliance participate in all of the activities mentioned above, especially in
recruiting and in the dissemination of the National Alliance message to the public. This latter activity is made possible
by the National Alliance’s development of several media: a weekly radio program, a variety of recorded materials,
and a wide range of publications.
Radio broadcasting: The National Alliance’s weekly program, American Dissident Voices, reaches White people around the world
via the Internet. The program is aimed at a more general audience than most of the National Alliance’s other media.
It reaches many thousands of people each week who know that something is seriously wrong with the way their world is being
run, but who need help in understanding the details and in comprehending the overall picture, so that they can accept their
responsibility to work for a better future.
Distribution of printed materials: Members use National Alliance printed materials—single-issue
stickers and flyers, printed versions of our online publications, and others—to reach the public. By distributing
these materials in their communities, they raise public consciousness of important issues, provide essential information
not readily available elsewhere, and give interested persons a way to contact the National Alliance. Some members distribute
these materials impersonally and anonymously, and others distribute them in a way that provides an opportunity to meet recipients
face to face and engage them in conversation.
Internet activity: The National Alliance maintains three Web sites on the Internet.
The addresses are natall.com (our main organizational page, where first-time readers can discover who we are and what we stand for—and join us);
nationalvanguard.org (our online magazine, with hundreds of text, image and audio files available to the public, including articles from National Vanguard magazine, the text of our other publications,
and a number of audio files that permit visitors to actually listen to our radio broadcasts at their convenience);
and whitebiocentrism.com (an online community which allows like-minded individuals who are serious about advancing our cause to interact, educate,
and help one another). As we re-enter the field of print publications, books, pamphlets, and other works will also be available
on these sites.
meetings, and other activities: Many members make telephone calls to radio talk shows or write letters
to the editors of newspapers or magazines as a way of disseminating the National Alliance message. Some members invite interested
persons to listening parties in their homes and then play an American
Dissident Voices program or National Alliance speech as a way of introducing their guests to the
and cadre building: Many members participate in the process of building the National Alliance by engaging
in one-on-one recruiting of selected individuals whose training, skills, or talents make it possible for them to increase
the Alliance’s capabilities. Thus a member who is on the faculty of a university looks for other faculty persons or
for exceptional students who are receptive to the National Alliance message; a member who is a businessman seeks opportunities
to sound out and recruit other business people with whom he comes in contact; a member who is serving in the armed forces
or in a police agency uses his daily interactions with career personnel to select exceptional individuals who are receptive,
and he then gives them the opportunity to serve their race while carrying out their military or police functions.
HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL
The National Alliance
was formally organized in February 1974. Many of its first members came from another organization, the National Youth Alliance,
which had been founded in 1970 in Virginia by Dr. William Pierce, a young physics professor who left a career of teaching
and research at Oregon State University to devote himself to the service of his people. Dr. Pierce worked with the eminent
writer and classicist Professor Revilo P. Oliver in the founding and early years of the National Youth Alliance.
Although the ideologies of the two
organizations were identical, membership in the National Youth Alliance had been restricted to persons under 30 years of
age, and that group focused its activities on college and university campuses. Thus, the formation of the National Alliance
effected a broadening of the appeal of the National Youth Alliance to include White persons of all ages and occupations.
Because the early 1970s
were a politically and socially turbulent period, during which Jews and others—sometimes under the guise of opposition
to the Vietnam war—were organizing violent demonstrations in the streets of America’s cities and calling for
the destruction of White society, the National Youth Alliance took a militant, confrontational stance in opposition to this
destructive activity. The name of the group’s first periodical, the tabloid ATTACK!, reflected this stance. During this early period the National Youth Alliance organized
many public activities, including street demonstrations with placards and banners denouncing not only the communists, Jews,
and other avowed enemies of White America but also the government that tolerated and even encouraged them.
Unfortunately, the scale of the National
Youth Alliance’s public activities was too small to make a significant impact on current events, government policies,
or the public’s consciousness. These activities also did not lead to much increase in organizational strength: many
of the people who were attracted to the National Youth Alliance by the publicity that its activities generated had only
shallow, short-term motivations.
As Dr. Pierce and his co-workers came to appreciate more fully the magnitude and the time scale of the task
facing them, their approach became more fundamental. By the time the National Alliance was formed in 1974 the programmatic
emphasis had shifted from a superficial confrontation with the enemies of our people to the building of the necessary organizational
foundation for a final victory over those enemies. Simultaneously the emphasis in recruiting shifted from quantity to quality.
In April 1978 the name of the National Alliance’s periodical changed from ATTACK!
to National Vanguard. The red headlines
and exhortations to action in the publication were replaced by sober analyses of the political, social, and racial situation
and of the task facing our people.
This is not to say that the National Alliance softened or moderated its approach to the struggle; indeed,
May 1978 saw the publication of the first edition of Dr. Pierce’s first novel, The Turner Diaries, which had earlier been serialized in ATTACK! and which provoked a storm of reaction from the government and the controlled
media. The more fundamental and longer-range program after this time nevertheless brought with it a more mature and serious
public image for the National Alliance.
In 1978 a group of members who were especially interested in the religious or spiritual basis of the National
Alliance’s work organized the Cosmotheist Community Church, members of which formed the core leadership of the Alliance.
From 1978 the rate of membership growth also increased
substantially for several years. By 1983, however, the stasis of the Reagan era had set in, and recruitment slowed. Throughout
the remainder of the 1980s there was a gradual decline in membership numbers, and the National Office experienced great
difficulty in recruiting staff members of the caliber needed to carry its work forward. In August 1985 the National Office
moved from the Washington, DC, area to a rural, mountainous area in West Virginia.
The National Alliance published its second book in 1980, member William
Simpson’s Which Way Western Man? In the same year
it issued the second edition of The Turner Diaries. In
1984 it published the reprint volume, The Best of ATTACK! and National
Vanguard Tabloid, edited by member Kevin Alfred Strom, an associate of both Dr. Pierce and Dr. Revilo Oliver.
In 1987 the National
Alliance’s publishing arm, National Vanguard Books, was reorganized as a separate entity. In 1989 Dr. Pierce’s
second novel, Hunter, was published. In
1991 member Randolph Calverhall’s novel, Serpent’s Walk,
By the end of the 1980s the climate for recruitment began changing. In much larger numbers than before, White
Americans began realizing that their country was headed over the brink to dissolution and ruin and that the politicians
in Washington were unwilling and unable to avert disaster. People became much more responsive to the National Alliance’s
message. Membership doubled in 1990-1991 and again in 1992.
In 1991 National Vanguard Books began publishing audio recordings and in December
1991 the National Alliance began broadcasting its message worldwide via shortwave radio with the weekly program American Dissident Voices, founded and hosted by member Kevin Alfred
Strom. Before the advent of the Internet, the program was also carried by a number of AM
and FM radio stations in the United States.
In 1993, under the direction of the Alliance’s first full-time Membership
Coordinator, Green Beret veteran William White Williams, a comic book was published as a youth education and outreach tool.
The first issue of Free Speech, a monthly print periodical containing the texts of
our radio broadcasts, appeared in January 1995; the broadcasts are now published on nationalvanguard.org.
National Vanguard Books published Bolshevism from Moses to Lenin in 1999, Blood Ritual in 2001, and The Lightning
and the Sun in 2002. The second edition of Which Way
Western Man, edited by Jerry Abbott with revisions by the original author, was published early
in 2003. The first edition of the National Alliance Membership Handbook
was issued in the 1970s, and a greatly expanded edition was published in 1992.
Construction of facilities at the National Office has been continual.
Two older farm houses were remodeled, the main office building was erected in 1985, and additional steel buildings were
constructed in 1997, 1999, and 2002. The latest of these, the leadership building, can hold meetings with up to 300 participants.
On 23 July 2002 the National Alliance
suffered a major blow. Dr. William L. Pierce, the founder and leader of the National Alliance, died, and, in the leadership
vacuum, persons unfamiliar with—or opposed to—the foundational principles of the Alliance, both organizational
and spiritual, took power. A “big tent” approach was tried, and the sections of the Membership Handbook listing Christianity as an opposed ideology were gutted. The qualities
that had set the National Alliance apart from other pro-White groups—its spiritual basis, its high standards, its
uncompromising ideology—were discarded. The Alliance was converted into just another competing “White rights”
organization, something for which there was essentially no need or demand. The quality of Alliance publications began to
suffer, as less competent staff were hired. As time passed, the radio program, print publications, and Web publications
ceased. Membership and supporter numbers—and quality—plummeted.
Many of Dr. Pierce’s stalwart supporters and staffers, including
Fred Streed, Dr. Robert de Marais, Will Williams, Kevin Alfred Strom, Jerry Abbott, and others, were expelled or resigned
over these issues. Independent publications and support groups were set up to preserve the National Alliance and William
Pierce legacy during these dark years, especially through Will Williams’ organizing and publishing efforts, incuding
the William Pierce Legacy Web site; and
the efforts of Kevin Alfred Strom on the National Vanguard
William White Williams
During the years since
2002, several efforts to restore the Alliance were made. Success finally arrived in 2013 and 2014. In late 2013, in the wake
of the announced dissolution of the Alliance as a membership organization by its successor Chairman, Erich Gliebe, William
White Williams and Kevin Alfred Strom announced the re-formation of the Alliance under the original principles set out by
Dr. Pierce. An office and media complex was built for the Alliance in the mountains of eastern Tennessee. American
Dissident Voices broadcasts resumed in December 2013 under the program’s founder, Kevin Alfred Strom,
and the National Vanguard Web site once again became the official online publication of
the Alliance. Through the leadership and personal sacrifice of Will Williams, in 2014 the National Alliance libraries, including
the invaluable personal research library of Dr. Pierce and many invaluable historical artifacts, letters, and personal possessions
of Dr. Pierce, were saved from loss or the auctioneer’s block. In late 2014, Erich Gliebe finally agreed to resign
and turn over control of the National Alliance, National Vanguard Books, the Cosmotheist Community Church, and all their
assets to a new board chaired by Will Williams, at which point the National Alliance and the reconstituted Alliance became
one. The Alliance has resumed its uncompromising, fundamental, and revolutionary approach.
SHOULD JOIN THE NATIONAL ALLIANCE
Strength in unity: As a member of the National Alliance you will be doing something
about what is happening to your world, instead of just complaining about it. You will be joining your strength to that of
many other men and women with the same beliefs and goals. Working alone you can accomplish relatively little; working in
concert with others you can have a much greater effect on the course of events around you.
Guidance for members: By keeping informed
through internal National Alliance publications of other members’ activities and of ongoing National Alliance programs,
you will have both guidance and a wider scope for your own activity. You will be able to draw on the experience and special
knowledge of other members instead of relying entirely on your own guesswork.
Making your life
count: Nothing in life is more satisfying and fulfilling than making a commitment to a great and impersonal
goal and then devoting one’s talents and energies to its achievement. As a National Alliance member you will be taking
a hand in shaping the future and in determining the destiny of your race. By doing so you will share in its immortality.
A necessary task: In
addition to the personal satisfaction and fulfillment of doing something which really matters and which makes your life
count, you should join the National Alliance because it is the right
thing to do. Any White person who can see the threat to the future of the race today and who refuses,
whether from cowardice or selfishness, to stand up for his people does not deserve to be counted among them. The task of
the National Alliance is an extraordinarily difficult one, but it is necessary, and that should be the only consideration
for any man or woman with a fully developed sense of responsibility.
REQUIREMENTS FOR MEMBERSHIP
White person (a non-Jewish person of wholly European ancestry) of good character and at least 18 years of age who accepts
as his own the goals of the National Alliance and who is willing to support the program described herein may apply for membership.
Ineligible persons: No
homosexual or bisexual person, no person actively addicted to alcohol or to an illegal drug, no person with a non-White
spouse or a non-White dependent, and, except in extraordinary circumstances, no person currently confined in a penal institution
may be a member. (The National Alliance does not advocate any illegal activity and expects its members to conduct themselves
procedure: Any eligible person who wishes to become a member of the National Alliance should fill
in completely the application and mail it, along with the $25 application fee and
his first month’s dues, to the address on the form. A new member will receive a membership pin, a Membership Handbook, and each issue when published of the National
Alliance’s internal membership newsletter. (Dues payments are voluntary donations in support of the National Alliance’s
work. They are not payments for goods or services rendered to the member.)
Anonymity: The anonymity of members
is protected scrupulously; as a general policy, no member’s name will be publicized or revealed to any other person
without the member’s explicit consent. Beyond this, a membership applicant who is concerned that his or her welfare,
security, or effectiveness as a member might be jeopardized if there were any possibility at all that his or her membership
in the National Alliance were revealed may, if he wishes, hold membership under a nom de guerre. Such an applicant should write to the Chairman stating his intention
to use his nom de guerre on his application form and
on all his correspondence about National Alliance matters. His membership card will be issued with that name on it, and
he will receive all his mailings from the National Alliance addressed to that name. No records with his true name will be
retained. It will be the responsibility of the applicant to ensure that mail addressed to his nom de guerre will be delivered to him by the postal service and to take all other measures
required to protect his anonymity, such as paying his dues with cash or money orders instead of personal checks. The National
Alliance does not recommend that an applicant use a nom de guerre
without a sound reason for doing so. It will not look favorably on any applicant who selects a frivolous nom de guerre.
Supporter category: Those who, because of personal
circumstances, wish to support the Alliance’s efforts without joining may do so by following the procedure below.
Supporters will also receive our internal newsletter.
Become a member:
Download and print a membership application, fill it out, and then mail it to:
National Alliance, Box
4, Mountain City TN 37683 USA. (online application form coming soon)
Become a supporter:
Simply fill out our online donation form — or, for those who prefer to use cash via the postal service, just download and print our supporter’s form, fill it out, and then mail it to the above address.